Editorial
Por
Gazeta do Povo

| Foto: Bigstock

O esforço para votar logo a segunda fatia da reforma tributária – com as mudanças no Imposto de Renda e em determinadas taxações, como a dos dividendos – e aprovar um reforço nos programas sociais do governo à custa de um calote nos precatórios sofreu uma interrupção, a julgar pelas declarações do presidente da Câmara dos Deputados, Arthur Lira (PP-AL). Em evento da XP Investimentos, o parlamentar afirmou que a reforma tributária não vai a votação nesta semana porque ainda é preciso aparar arestas com estados e municípios, e ainda prometeu que não haverá “irresponsabilidade fiscal” no caso dos precatórios, afirmando que buscará conversar com o Ministério da Economia, a Advocacia-Geral da União e o Supremo Tribunal Federal para encontrar uma saída.

O PL 2.337/21 teve regime de urgência aprovado e já esteve pronto para ser votado, saindo da pauta durante a sessão em que seria apreciado – em uma aliança inusitada, um pedido do PSol endossado por Marcelo Freixo (PSB-RJ) teve o apoio do líder do governo, Ricardo Barros (PP-PR). O relator da proposta, Celso Sabino (PSDB-PA), já apresentou vários pareceres, por exemplo alterando as alíquotas do Imposto de Renda Pessoa Jurídica ou mudando a lista dos que teriam de pagar a tributação sobre dividendos. Agora, estados e municípios estão pedindo a aprovação de duas PECs que aumentam os fundos de participação, o FPE e o FPM, em R$ 18 bilhões para apoiarem esta fase da reforma tributária. O diretor-executivo da Instituição Fiscal Independente (IFI), Felipe Salto, resumiu assim as tratativas: “Reforma do IR está virando tomá lá, dá cá escancarado. Agora já se discute aumentar o FPM como preço para aprovar a pior reforma tributária da história”.

Uma reforma abrangente, apresentada toda de uma vez, teria dado ao governo uma possibilidade muito maior de realizar as compensações que causam a dor de cabeça atual

Os críticos se avolumam e incluem ex-secretários da Receita Federal: Everardo Maciel, que ocupou o posto no governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, fala na “maior desorganização empresarial que já se viu na história do Brasil”; Marcos Cintra, que participou do atual governo, afirma que a classe média-baixa será a maior prejudicada. E o ministro Paulo Guedes, que já concordou em ouvir as propostas dos partidos de esquerda sobre o tema, adotou uma retórica curiosa para defender o projeto: “Se proprietários de empresas estão dizendo que estão aumentando os impostos, e estados e municípios estão contra a reforma porque os impostos estão caindo, eu acho que nós chegamos a um ponto de equilíbrio interessante”, afirmou à rádio Jovem Pan. É inevitável que esse tipo de reforma crie descontentamentos, mas concluir que o projeto é equilibrado porque todos estão reclamando, sem entender exatamente o teor das reclamações, é extremamente precipitado – é bem possível que a queixa seja generalizada porque o projeto é falho.

E as falhas, como temos lembrado, começaram na opção pela reforma fatiada. Uma reforma abrangente, apresentada toda de uma vez, teria dado ao governo uma possibilidade muito maior de realizar as compensações que causam a dor de cabeça atual: teria sido possível reduzir a carga sobre a produção e o consumo, beneficiando os mais pobres, compensando na tributação sobre a renda e o patrimônio, instituindo a justiça tributária, e redistribuindo o novo bolo entre União, estados e municípios sem perdas. Da forma como está sendo realizada, com partes isoladas que precisam terminar no “zero a zero” (ou seja, sem aumentar nem reduzir carga) para terem aceitação política, é muito mais difícil entregar uma reforma digna do nome.


No caso dos precatórios, o governo já elabora um Orçamento de 2022 que prevê o pagamento integral dos quase R$ 90 bilhões, e sem o reforço no valor do Auxílio Brasil, o sucessor do Bolsa Família, segundo o secretário especial de Tesouro e Orçamento, Bruno Funchal. A equipe econômica sentiu o baque da reação negativa do mercado financeiro à possibilidade de um estouro nos gastos públicos em 2022, e Funchal acrescentou que o governo está comprometido com a responsabilidade fiscal, embora ainda não tenha desistido da PEC que permitiria o parcelamento dos pagamentos. Assim como no caso da reforma tributária, que perdeu de vista a disfuncionalidade da floresta para discutir detalhes de cada árvore, também aqui se percebe a dificuldade de atacar o problema real, que é o engessamento do Orçamento da União, com todas as suas obrigações, vinculações e indexações que tiram de qualquer governo os recursos necessários para realizar o seu programa com liberdade. Tantas idas e vindas, tempo e esforço poderiam ser economizados se governo e Congresso se empenhassem em realizar reformas tão amplas quanto corajosas.


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